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 321 - 375 (54 years)
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| Name |
Valentinian I (Emperor Of The Western Roman Empire - 364-375) |
| Born |
321 |
Cibalis Pannonia, Roman Empire  |
| Gender |
Male |
| _UID |
5D72343FE8444E23AB3E0E54710B5D7275AF |
| Died |
17 Nov 375 |
Brigetio, Pannonia-Inferior, Yugoslavia |
| Person ID |
I28288 |
Carney Wehofer Feb 2024 Genealogy |
| Last Modified |
5 Feb 2012 |
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| Notes |
- Valentinian I, Latin in full Flavius Valentinianus (b. 321 - d. 17 Nov375, Brigetio, Pannonia Inferior), Roman emperor from 364 to 375 whoskillfully and successfully defended the frontiers of the Western Empireagainst Germanic invasions.
Valentinian, the son of an army officer stationed in Pannonia (in centralEurope), joined the army and served with his father in Africa. Accordingto some sources, when Valentinian was a tribune in the forces of Julianthe Apostate (emperor 360-363), he was disgraced for refusal to renounceChristianity. He did serve, however, in Julian's Persian expedition of363, and was promoted by Julian's successor, Jovian, who died soonafterward (17 Feb 364).
Nine days later the commanders of the army proclaimed Valentinian emperorat Nicaea (modern Iznik, Turkey). On March 28 he appointed his youngerbrother Valens as co-ruler and assigned him to govern the East, whileValentinian retained the West. Both agreed to allow religious toleration,which, unlike Valens, Valentinian maintained throughout his reign.
Displaying inexhaustible energy, Valentinian set about fortifying anddefending the borders. In January 365, his generals in Gaul were defeatedby the Germanic Alemanni; by October, Valentinian had set up residence inParis from which he directed operations against the invaders. His generalJovinus defeated them three times. At Durocatalaunum (modernChalons-sur-Marne, France), the third engagement, Jovinus inflicted heavycasualties on the Alemanni, securing Gaul for years to come. Meanwhile,in 367, the Emperor moved to Ambiani (modern Amiens, France) to be incloser communication with his general Theodosius (father of the LaterEmperor Theodosius I), who was defending Britain from Saxon, Pictish, andScottish invaders.
In order to strengthen the line of succession, Valentinian proclaimed (24Aug 367) his nine-year-old son, Gratian, as co-emperor. Two months laterValentinian took up residence at Trier (now in Germany). He remainedthere for seven years, devoting his attention to the construction of anelaborate system of fortifications on the Rhine. Then, an invasion ofPannonia by the Quadi in 275 brought Valentinian to Sirmium (modernSremska Metrovica, Yugoslavia), where he soon fell sick and died.
Despite his achievements, Valentinian gained a reputation forirritability and cruelty. He frequently chose ministers of the worstcharacter who ruthlessly oppressed provincials. [EncyclopaediaBritannica, 1995]
From Walter E. Roberts, Emory University, 1998:
Valentinian I (364-375 A.D) -
Introduction
Valentinian was one of Rome's last great warrior emperors. There wasa power vacuum after the death of Julian, last ruler of the Neo-Flavianline. His immediate successor Jovian did not really survive long enoughto leave his stamp on late Roman society. In general terms, Valentinian?schallenge was to hold together an empire that had experienced sixty yearsof internal unrest, something which was of major import. His provincialorigins and Nicene Christianity put him at odds with the senatorialnobility in the west. Furthermore, he had to deal with the increasingregionalism of the empire, especially in Gaul, Britain, and Africa.
Early Life
Valentinian, whose full name was Flavius Valentinianus, was born in A.D.321 at Cibalis (modern Vinkovci) in southern Pannonia. His fatherGratian was a soldier renowned for his strength and wrestling skills.Gratian had an illustrious career in the army, rising from staff officerto tribune, to comes Africae, and finally comes Britanniae. He wassuspected of graft while comes Africae, but nothing was ever proven.After he retired, Constantius II (337-60) confiscated his estates becausehe was suspected of having been a supporter of Magnentius. Gratian?salleged affiliation with Magnentius apparently did not keep Valentinianor his younger brother Valens from being able to enter the military, butit may have contributed to some early trouble for Valentinian.Valentinian embarked upon a military career, and, like his father, becamea victim of imperial politics. In 357 he was tribune of cavalry underJulian, Constantius II's Caesar in the west. In the intrigues surroundingJulian and Constantius, Valentinian and a colleague were accused ofundermining operations, and Constantius dismissed them from theservice. Valentinian was married twice. His first wife, Severa, diedsome time after giving birth to Valentinian?s first son Gratian in 359,and Valentinian married Justina, by whom he had Valentinian II, and twodaughters, Galla and Justa.
When Julian died, Valentinian was recalled to military service by Jovian.Upon his accession, Jovian sent Procopius, a notarius, and Memoridus toGaul and Illyricum to install his father-in-law Lucillianus, inretirement at Sirmium, as magister equitum et peditum. Lucillianus inturn was to journey to Milan and secure Jovian?s power in Italy and Gaul.Jovian supposedly gave Lucillianus secret instructions to handpick aselect cadre of supporters. Two of these men were Valentinian andSeniauchus. One of this group?s missions was to displace Jovinus,Julian?s magister armorum per Gallias, with Malarichus, a retired soldierand supporter of Jovian living in Italy. In addition they were to visitas many governors and military commanders as possible and announce thesuccessful end of the Persian campaign and Jovian's succession.Malarichus, however, refused his commission, and Lucillianus traveled onto Rheims where he began examining the accounts of one of Julian?sofficials. The official (not named in extant sources) fled to the army inGaul and spread rumors that Julian was still alive and that Lucillianuswas a rebel. In the riot that broke out, Seniauchus and Lucillianus werekilled, and Valentinian barely escaped through the help of his friendPrimitivus. By this time, Jovian had sent some additional soldiers whosecured peace in Gaul. As a result Valentinian was promoted to command ofthe second Scutarii division.
Valentinian's Accession
Jovian died on 17 February 364, apparently of natural causes, on theborder between Bithynia and Galatia. The army marched on to Nicaea,the nearest city of any consequence, and a meeting of civil and militaryofficials was convened to choose a new emperor. The names of Aequitius, atribune of the first Scutarii, and Januarius, a relative of Jovian?s incharge of military supplies in Illyricum, were bandied about. Both wererejected, Aequitius as too brutal, Januarius because he was too far away.The assembly finally agreed upon Valentinian, and sent messengers toinform him, as he had been left behind at Ancyra with his unit. Whileawaiting the arrival of Valentinian, Aequitius and Leo, another Pannonianin charge of distributing supplies to the soldiers of Dagalaifus,magister equitum, managed to keep the ?fickle? (mobilitas) soldiers fromchoosing another emperor.
Valentinian arrived in Nicaea on 24 February 364, the bisextile day. Thisday was used every four years by the Romans to balance the calendar muchas we use the modern leap year day: the sixth day (counting inclusively)before the first of March was counted twice. According to Ammianus, thisday was considered an ill-omened day to begin any new proceedings, soValentinian put off his official acceptance until the day after thebisextile. Furthermore, the prefect Salutius declared that noofficial business could be conducted on the repeated day. The holidaywould have prevented any attempt to name another emperor beforeValentinian.
On 26 February 364, Valentinian accepted the office offered to him. As heprepared to make his accession speech, the soldiers threatened to riot,apparently uncertain as to where his loyalties lay. Valentinian reassuredthem that the army was his greatest priority. Furthermore, to prevent acrisis of succession if he should die prematurely, he agreed to pick aco-Augustus. According to Ammianus, the soldiers were astounded byValentinian?s bold demeanor and his willingness to assume the imperialauthority. His decision to elect a fellow-emperor could also beconstrued as a move to appease any opposition among the civilianofficials in the eastern portion of the empire. By agreeing to appoint aco-ruler, he assured the eastern officials that someone with imperialauthority would remain in the east to protect their interests.
After promoting his brother Valens to the rank of tribune and putting himin charge of the royal stables on March 1, Valentinian selected Valens asco-Augustus at Constantinople on 28 March 364, though this was done overthe objections of Dagalaifus. Ammianus makes it clear, however,that Valens was clearly subordinate to his brother. The remainderof 364 was spent dividing up administrative duties and military commands.Valentinian retained the services of Jovinus and Dagalaifus, and promotedAequitius to comes Illyricum. In addition, he promoted Serenianus, aretired soldier and fellow Pannonian, to command of the domesticorumscholae. Several sources mention the division of administrativespheres between the two brothers, but Ammianus is the mostspecific. According to Ammianus, Valens was given the Prefecture ofthe Orient, governed by Salutius, while Valentinian gained control of thePrefecture of the Gauls and the Prefecture of Italy, Africa, andIllyricum. These latter three areas were put together as oneadministrative unit under control of the prefect Mamertinus. Valensresided in Constantinople, while Valentinian?s court was at Milan.
Valentinian and the Army
One of the first problems that faced Valentinian was an outbreak ofhostilities in Gaul with the Alamanni, a loose confederation ofGermanic-speaking peoples living beyond the Rhine. According to Ammianus,the Alamanni were upset because Valentinian would not supply them withthe level of tribute that previous emperors had paid them. In response tothis insult and the ill treatment their envoys received at the hands ofthe magister officiorum Ursatius, the Alamanni invaded Gaul in 365.At the same time Procopius began his revolt against Valens in the east.Valentinian received news of both the Alamannic trouble and Procopius'revolt on 1 November while on his way to Paris. He had a choice tomake--go east to help his brother or stay in Gaul and fight the Alamanni.He initially sent Dagalaifus to fight the Alamanni, while he himself madepreparations to journey east and help Valens. After receiving counselfrom his court and deputations from the leading Gallic cities begging himto stay and protect Gaul, however, he decided to remain in Gaul and fightthe Alamanni.
This move shows two things. First, that Valentinan subordinated theeastern portion of the empire to the west. In addition it shows thatValentinian was still unsure of his support in Gaul, a very importantpart of the west. There was no better way to win the support of theGallic nobility than by performing the traditional imperial duty ofpreserving peace by defeating barbarians. This ideology is amplyillustrated by the coinage issued from Gaul during this period.Valentinian issued such series as RESTITUTOR REIPUBLICAE, GLORIAROMANORUM, and TRIUMFATOR GENT BARB from the mints at Trier, Lyon, andArles.
Valentinian advanced to Rheims and sent two generals, Charietto andSeverianus, against the invaders. The armies of Charietto and Severianuswere promptly defeated and the generals killed. Dagalaifus was then sentagainst the enemy in 366, but the Alamanni were so scattered about Gaulthat he was ineffective. Jovinus replaced Dagalaifus late in thecampaigning season, and, after several battles, he pushed the Alamanniout of Gaul. He was awarded the consulate of 367 for his efforts.
Valentinian was distracted from launching a punitive expedition againstthe Alamanni at this time by problems in Britain and northern Gaul. TheAlamanni, however, were not deterred by their earlier defeat at the handsof Jovinus and they returned to Gaul. The city of Mainz was attacked andplundered by an Alamannic raiding party in late 367 or early 368.Valentinian did succeed in getting Roman agents to arrange theassassination of Vithicabius, an important Alamannic leader, by hispersonal bodyguard, but more serious measures were called for.Valentinian was determined to bring the Alamanni under Roman power onceand for all, and spent the winter of 367/8 gathering a huge army for aspring offensive. He summoned the comes Sebastianus, who was in charge ofthe Italian and Illyrian legions, to join Jovinus and Severus, magisterpeditum. Valentinian and his army, accompanied by Gratian, crossed theMain river in the spring of 368. They did not encounter any resistanceuntil they reached Solicinium (Schwetzingen), burning any dwellings orfood stores they found along the way. A tremendous battle was fought atSchwetzingen, with the Romans coming out on top, although Valentinian wasnearly killed. A temporary peace was apparently reached, and Valentinianand Gratian returned to Trier for the winter.
During 369, Valentinian ordered new defensive works to be constructed andold structures refurbished along the length of the Rhine?s left bank. Inan even bolder move, he ordered the construction of a fortress across theRhine, in the mountains near Heidelberg. The Alamanni sent envoys toprotest, but they were dismissed out of hand. As a result, the Alamanniattacked while the fortress was still under construction, destroyed it,and killed all the soldiers guarding it.
In 370, the Saxons renewed their attacks on northern Gaul. Nannienus, thecomes in charge of the troops in northern Gaul, had to ask Severus tocome to his aid. After several battles, a truce was called and the Saxonsgave the Romans many young men fit for duty in the Roman military inexchange for free passage back to their homeland. The Romans, however,treacherously ambushed the Saxons, killing them all. At this sametime, Valentinian was contemplating another attack against the Alamanni.His target was Macrianus, another powerful Alamannic chieftain. Ratherthan directly attack Macrianus, he tried to persuade the Burgundians toattack: they were another Germanic-speaking people, and bitter enemies ofthe Alamanni. If the Alamanni tried to flee, Valentinian would be waitingfor them with his army. Negotiations, however, with the Burgundians brokedown when Valentinian, in his usual high-handed manner, refused to meetwith the Burgundian envoys and personally assure them of Roman support inthe suggested attack. Nevertheless, the proposed alliance with theBurgundians did have the effect of scattering the Alamanni through fearof an imminent attack from their enemies. This event allowed Theodosius,magister equitum, to attack via Raetia and take many Alamannic prisoners.These captured Alamanni were settled in the Po river valley, where theystill flourished at the time Ammianus wrote his history.
Valentinian campaigned unsuccessfully for four more years to defeatMacrianus. In 372 Macrianus barely escaped capture by Theodosius. In themeantime, Valentinian continued to recruit heavily from those Alamannifriendly to the Roman cause. He sent the Alamannic king Fraomarius, alongwith Alamannic troops commanded by Bitheridius and Hortarius, to Britainin order to replenish troops there. Valentinian?s Alamanniccampaigns, however, were hampered by troubles first in Africa, and lateron the Danube. In 374 Valentinian was forced to make peace with Macrianusbecause the emperor's presence was needed to counter an invasion ofIllyricum by the Quadi and Sarmatians.
Military Problems in Britain, Gaul, and on the Danube
In 367, Valentinian received reports that a combined force of Picts,Attacotti and Scots had killed Nectaridus (comes maritimi tractus) andovercome the dux Fullofaudes in Britain. As a consequence, Britain was ina state of anarchy. At the same time, Frankish and Saxon forces wereharrying the coastal areas of northern Gaul. Valentinian, alarmed bythese reports, set out for Britain, sending Severus (comes domesticorum)ahead of him to investigate. Severus was not able to correct thesituation and returned to the continent, meeting Valentinian at Amiens.Valentinian then sent Jovinus to Britain and promoted Severus to magisterpeditum. It was at this time that Valentinian fell ill and a battle forsuccession broke out between Severus, a representative of the army, andRusticus Julianus, magister memoriae and a representative of the Gallicnobility. Valentinian, however, recovered and appointed his son Gratianas co-Augustus to forestall any such conflicts in the future. Ammianusremarks that such an action was unprecedented.
Jovinus quickly returned, saying that he needed more men to take care ofthe situation. Beginning in 368 Valentinian, however, was intent onpressing his successes against the Alamanni with a campaign into theirterritory. Therefore, he assigned the comes Theodosius the task ofrecovering Britain while Severus and Jovinus were to accompany theemperor on his campaign. Theodosius arrived in 368 with the Batavi,Heruli, Jovii and Victores legions, landing at Richborough, and proceededto London. His initial expeditions restored order to southern Britain.Later he rallied the remaining troops which had originally been stationedin Britain. It was apparent that the units had lost their cohesivenesswhen Nectaridius and Fullofaudes had been defeated. At this time,Theodosius sent for Civilis to be installed as the new vicarius of thediocese, and Dulcitius, an additional general.
In 369, Theodosius, relying on the tactics of stealth and ambush, setabout reconquering the areas north of London. During this period, he putdown the revolt of Valentinus, the brother-in-law of Maximinus, at thattime a vicarius. Valentinus had been exiled to Britain for crimes thatAmmianus does not specify and was apparently fomenting a rebellionagainst the imperial government. Theodosius learned of these plansthrough spies and quashed the revolt before it got off the ground. Afterthis, Theodosius restored destroyed fortifications and even recovered alost province which was renamed Valentia. After his return in 369,Valentinian promoted Theodosius to magister equitum in place ofJovinus.
Revolt of Firmus
In 372, the rebellion of Firmus broke out in the African provinces. Thisrebellion was driven by the corruption of the comes Romanus. When he tooksides in the murderous disputes among the legitimate and illegitimatechildren of Nubel, a Moorish prince and leading Roman client in Africa,resentment of Romanus' peculations and failure to defend the territorycaused some of the provincials to revolt. Valentinian was forced to sendin Theodosius to restore imperial control. Over the next two yearsTheodosius uncovered Romanus' crimes, arrested him and his cronies, anddefeated Firmus.
In 373 trouble erupted with the Quadi, a group of Germanic-speakingpeople living on the Danube. Like the Alamanni, the Quadi were outragedthat Valentinian was building fortifications in their territory. Theycomplained and sent deputations that were ignored by the magister armorumper Illyricum Aequitius. It seems, however, that by 373 the constructionof these forts was behind schedule. Maximinus, now praetorian prefect ofGaul, arranged with Aequitius to promote his son Marcellianus to the rankof dux per Valeriam and put him in charge of finishing the project. Theprotests of Quadic leaders continued to delay the project, and in a fitof frustration, Marcellianus murdered the Quadic king Gabinius at abanquet ostensibly arranged for peaceful negotiations. This roused theQuadi to war, along with their allies the Sarmatians. During the fallharvest, they broke across the Danube and began ravaging the province ofValeria. The marauders could not penetrate the fortified cities, but theyheavily damaged the unprotected countryside. Two legions, the Pannonicaand Moesiaca, were sent in, but they failed to coordinate their effortsand were routed by the Sarmatians. At the same time, another group ofSarmatians invaded Moesia, but they were driven back by the duxMoesiaeTheodosius the younger, future emperor and son of the magisterequitum.
Valentinian did not receive news of these disasters until mid-to-late374. In the spring of 375 he set out from Trier and came to Carnuntum,which was deserted. There he was met by Sarmatian envoys who beggedforgiveness for their actions. Valentinian replied that he wouldinvestigate what had happened and act accordingly. Valentinian ignoredMarcellianus? treacherous actions and decided to punish the Quadi. He,accompanied by Sebastianus and Merobaudes, spent the summer monthspreparing for the campaign and finally crossed into Quadic territory atAquincum (Budapest). After generally pillaging the Quadic lands andcarrying out acts of terrorism, he retired to Savaria (Szombathely) towinter quarters. For unknown reasons, he decided to continue campaigningand moved from Savaria to Brigetio (Komarom-Szony). It was herethat he received a deputation from the Quadi on November 17. In returnfor supplying fresh recruits to the Roman army, the Quadi were to beallowed to leave in peace. Before the envoys left, however, they weregranted an audience with Valentinian. The envoys insisted that theconflict was caused by the building of Roman forts in their lands, andthat furthermore individual bands of Quadi were not necessarily bound tothe rule of the chiefs who had made treaties with the Romans, and thusmight attack at any time. The attitude of the envoys so enragedValentinian that he suffered a stroke that ended his life.
Roman Society under Valentinian
Ammianus and Zosimus as well as modern scholars praise Valentinian forhis military accomplishments. He is generally credited with keepingthe Roman empire from crumbling away by ?. . . reversing the generallywaning confidence in the army and imperial defense . . ..? Severalother aspects of Valentinian's reign also set the course of Roman historyfor the next century. Valentinian deliberately polarized Roman society,subordinating the civilian population to the military. The military ordertook over the old prestige of the senatorial nobility. The imperialcourt, which was becoming more and more of a military court, became avehicle for social mobility. There were new ideas of nobility, which wasincreasingly provincial in character. By this it is meant that theimperial court, not the Senate, was the seat of nobility, and most ofthese new nobles came from the provinces. With the erosion of the oldnobility, the stage was set for the ascendancy of Christianity. At thesame time, the empire was becoming more and more of a bureaucracy, withthe emperor delegating authority to a chain of officials. These officialsdid not always perform their job well and, as a result, the provincialpopulations became increasingly alienated from the imperial government.They were crushed under the increasing burden of taxation, and often theemperor, through his delegates, failed to provide the security for whichthe provincials' tribute was paying.
Valentinian, Christianity, and Legislation
Unlike his brother Valens, Valentinian refused to become embroiled in thereligious controversies of the time. Ammianus praised Valentinian for hisreligious neutrality. Valentinian refused to get involved in theArian controversy of the east, dismissing a deputation of eastern Nicenebishops who appealed to him to control Valens. Valentinian did,however, take a harsh stand against two of the heretical movements thathad grown during the past century in the west. In 372 he forbadegatherings of Manichees in the city of Rome. Such assemblies were toresult in the death of the leaders, the exile of the others, andconfiscation of the property of all involved. In addition heofficially condemned Donatist bishops in Africa in 373.
The ecclesiastical sources for this period generally have a favorableopinion of Valentinian. Jerome speaks in glowing terms, saying?Valentinian was an excellent emperor in most cases and similar incharacter to Aurelian, save only that certain people interpreted hisexcessive strictness and parsimony as cruelty and greed.? Socratesand Orosius took the story of his dismissal from the military byConstantius II and turned him into a martyr of sorts. According toSozomen, Valentinian was dismissed from the military by Julian, insteadof Constantius II, for refusing to perform a pagan ritual at a paganshrine. Less accurately, Theoderet, Sozomen, and Socrates praisedValentinian for installing Ambrose as bishop of Milan. Ambrose?spredecessor, Auxentius, had been an Arian.
Valentinian, however, was not uniformly friendly towards Christianity.For example, he ordered Symmachus, praefectus urbi of Rome in 365, to putto death and confiscate the property of any Christians who becamecustodians of temples. It seems, however, that much of hislegislation concerning Christians was driven by fiscal motives, ratherthan any real concern with religious doctrine. Any Manichees caught underthe law contributed their property to the fisc, and the condemnation ofthe Donatists could really be seen as a condemnation of those whoinhibited the collection of taxes from the African provinces. In otherexamples, Valentinian addressed a law to Damasus, Pope of Rome in 370,which forbade ecclesiastics to marry widows or female wards of the state.The purpose of this law was to stop churchmen from obtaining the wealthof such women through inheritance. On the other hand, Valentinianappears to have given Christians special privileges. For example, in 370he upheld a law of Constantius II that exempted professed NiceneChristians in the African provinces from obligatory municipalduties. Similarly, a law was passed in 371 that those in the cityof Rome who could prove that they were ecclesiastics before the accessionof Valentinian were exempt from municipal services.
Revenues lost by these measures had to be made up from other sources, andValentinian sought them from the senatorial order. In a law promulgatedon 18 October 365 in Paris and reaching Carthage on 18 January 366,Valentinian ordered Dracontius, vicarius Africae, to send out men tocollect taxes from those African estates which were owned by Romansenators. This law was in keeping with Valentinian?s generalhostility to the senatorial order.
Initially, it seemed that Valentinian actively sought to pacify the paganaristocracy at Rome by retaining the title pontifex maximus and bypassing legislation confirming toleration of the pagan practice ofdivination. In 371, however, he sanctioned a purge of the nobilityby the praefectus annonae Maximinus, whom he temporarily elevated to theoffice of urban prefect for this purpose. Members of the aristocracy werebrought before Maximinus and Valentinian?s old friend Leo on charges suchas using magic, using poison, and adultery. Punishments ranged fromexile to death. Ammianus cites many such cases, including those of thesenators Cethegus, killed for adultery, and Paphius and Cornelius,prosecuted and executed for using poison. The scale of Maximinus?prosecutions was such that even children were tried. One Alypius, whomAmmianus describes as nobilis adulescens, was exiled for an offenseAmmianus does not specify (and thus implies was trumped up), whileLollianus, son of the ex-prefect Lampadius, was sentenced to exile forwriting a book concerning the destructive use of magic (noxiarum artium).Lampadius appealed to Valentinian, who turned the case over toPhalangius, governor of Baetica, who sentenced Lollianus to death.
Ammianus makes it clear that actions such as these were part of asystematic plan by Valentinian to erode the power and prestige of thesenatorial aristocracy. It was at the request of Maximinus thatValentinian abrogated the right of persons of senatorial rank to appealcases to the emperor, a right that had already been strictly curtailedduring the reign of Ampelius, Maximinus? predecessor as urban prefect. Hedid this by treating as treasonous such acts as adultery, use of magic,and poisoning. He also empowered Maximinus to use torture to extractconfessions from the accused. As with Lollianus, the appeals thatwere heard often resulted in a harsher punishment than the originalsentence.
Several pieces of extant legislation seem to confirm Ammianus?allegations that Valentinian was eroding senatorial prestige. In a law of364, Valentinian decreed that the equites now ranked in prestige onlybehind the senatorial order. In addition, these equites were exempt fromthe more onerous forms of compulsory service and senatorial taxes.Furthermore, a second law issued in 367 gave members of the imperialcourt the same privileges as senators. This law also established thatdischarged comites and tribunes could become senators.
In July of 372, Valentinian sent several pieces of legislation toAmpelius, praefectus urbi of Rome, putting members of the imperial courtand the military on equal footing with those who occupied places in thecivil administration. First, magistri peditum and magistri equitum wereto be of equal social prestige to praetorian prefects. In addition,quaestors, magistri officiorum, the comes sacrarum largitionum, the comesrerum privatarum, comites rei militaris, and magistri equitum outrankedproconsular governors. Finally, any member of the imperial courtoutranked vicarii.
Ammianus also observes that Valentinian?s main goal was to raise theprestige of the military. Zosimus confirms this by stating thatValentinian promoted many officers, and modified the system of taxcollection so that the army got its supplies more quickly. Valentinianissued several laws expressly intended to make the collection of taxeseasier. In 367, Valentinian instructed Probus that tax payments in kindcould now be made in three installments per annum or all at once.In addition, Valentinian raised the standard exactions. This increase intaxation alienated the provincials.
The African provinces illustrate this effect of Valentinian?s taxpolicies. When Romanus, as the military representative of the imperialgovernment, came to power in 363, he began exploiting the provincials inthe African diocese. When they refused to meet his exorbitant demands, heleft them to the vagaries of such peoples as the Austoriani. In addition,when Valentinian sent Palladius, a tribune and notarius, to investigate,Romanus split the stolen tax revenue with him to prevent Palladius fromreporting his misconduct to Valentinian. As a result of Romanus?actions, the provincials balked at paying any taxes. The fact thatValentinian had to resend the law directly to Dracontius, the vicarius ofAfrica in 367, confirms that the government was having a hard time incollecting its tribute. Valentinian was very distressed by thesituation, dispatching the notarius Neoterius, the protector domesticusMasaucio, and Gaudentius, a tribune of the Scutarii, to Africa in365. Theodosius took steps to ameliorate the situation upon hisarrival, declaring that the provincials did not have to supply his army.He would take any supplies he needed from the supporters of Firmus.
In addition, when Valentinian came to Pannonia in 375, the provincialstook the opportunity to complain bitterly about the oppression they hadsuffered under Probus, praetorian prefect for the region. According toAmmianus, the taxation was so onerous in Pannonia that many of theleading nobles fled, were imprisoned for debt, or killedthemselves. There may have been similar unrest in Gaul, forAmmianus reported that there was an outbreak of civil unrest among theprovincials there in 369, although he gives no details. Scholarssuch as Raymond Van Dam see such provincial outbreaks as signs that theimperial system was devolving to the local level.
Assessment of Valentinian's Reign
Valentinian's reign affords valuable insights into late Roman society,civilian as well as military. First, there was a growing fracture betweenthe eastern and western portions of the empire. Valentinian was the lastemperor to really concentrate his resources on the west. Valens wasclearly in an inferior position in the partnership. Second, there was agrowing polarization of society, both Christian versus pagan, and civilversus military. Finally there was a growing regionalism in the west,driven by heavy taxation and the inability of Valentinian to fullyexercise military authority in all areas of the west. All of these trendswould continue over the next century, profoundly reshaping the Romanempire and western Europe.
Selected Bibliography
I. Primary Sources
Ammianus Marcellinus. Rerum gestarum libri qui supersunt. W. Seyfarth,ed. 3 vols. Leipzig, 1978.
Consularia Constantinopolitana. T. Mommsen ed., Monumenta GermaniaeHistorica, Auctores Antiquissimi. Volume 9. Berlin, 1892.
Codex Theodosianus. T. Mommsen, P.M. Meyer, and P. Kr?ger, eds.Theodosiani libri XVI cum constitutionibus Sirmondianis et leges novellaead Theodosianum pertinentes (2 vols.). Berlin, 1905.
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Vol. 6. T. Mommsen, ed. Berlin, 1875.
Epitome de Caesaribus. F.R. Pichlmayr, ed. Leipzig, 1961.
Jerome. Chronicon. R. Helm, ed., in Malcolm Drew Donalson, A Translationof Jerome?s Chronicon with Historical Commentary. Lewiston, NY, 1996.
Orosius. Adversus paganos historiarum libri septem. Z. Zangemeister, ed.Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum 5. Vienna, 1882.
Socrates. Historia Ecclesiastica. J.P. Migne ed., Patrologia Graeca 67.Paris, 1864.
Sozomen. Historia Ecclesiastica. J.P. Migne ed., Patrologia Graeca 67.Paris, 1864.
Theoderet. Historia Ecclesiastica. J.P. Migne ed., Patrologia Graeca 82.Paris, 1864.
Zosimus. Historia nova. Fran?ois Paschoud, ed. and trans., Zosime:Histoire Nouvelle (3 vols.). Paris, 1971-89.
II. Secondary Sources
Alf?ldi, Andreas. A Conflict of Ideas in the Late Roman Empire: The Clashbetween the Senate and Valentinian I. Translated by Harold Mattingly.Oxford, 1952.
Blockley, R.C. ?The Date of the ?Barbarian Conspiracy.?? Britannia 11(1980): 223-5.
Burns, Thomas S. Barbarians within the Gates of Rome: A Study of RomanMilitary Policy and the Barbarians, ca. 375-425 A.D. Bloomington, 1994.
Hind, J.G.F. ?The British ?Provinces? of Valentia and Orcades.? Historia24 (1975): 101-11.
Jones, A.H.M. The Later Roman Empire 284-602: A Social, Economic, andAdministrative Survey. 3 Volumes. Oxford, 1964.
________. ?The Social Background of the Struggle Between Paganism andChristianity.? In The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianity in theFourth Century, ed. Arnaldo Momigliano, 17-37. Oxford, 1963.
________., J.R. Martindale, and J. Morris, eds. The Prosopography of theLater Roman Empire, Volume I A.D. 260-395. Cambridge, 1971.
Matthews, John F. The Roman Empire of Ammianus. London, 1989.
________. "Symmachus and the magister militum Theodosius." Historia 20(1971): 122-8.
________. "Mauretania in Ammianus and the Notitia." In Aspects of the"Notitia Dignitatum", eds. R. Goodburn and P. Bartholomew, 157-86.Oxford, 1976.
________. Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364-425. Oxford,1975.
Momigliano, Arnaldo, ed. The Conflict Between Paganism and Christianityin the Fourth Century. Oxford, 1963.
Nagl, A. "Valentinianus I." RE 14: 2158ff.
Napoli, Jo?lle. ?Ultimes fortifications du limes.? In L?arm?e romaine etles barbares du IIIe au VIIe si?cle, eds. Fran?oise Vallet and MichelKazanski, 67-76. Paris, 1993.
Oldenstein, J?rgen. ?La fortification d?Alzey et la defense de lafronti?re romaine le long du Rhine au IVe et au Ve si?cles.? In L?arm?eromaine et les barbares du IIIe au VIIe si?cle, eds. Fran?oise Vallet andMichel Kazanski, 125-33. Paris, 1993.
Pearce, J.W.E. The Roman Imperial Coinage: Vol. 9 Valentinian I toTheodosius I. Harold Mattingly, C.H.V. Sutherland, and R.A.G. Carson eds.London, 1972.
Stein, Ernest. Histoire du bas-empire. Translated by Jean-Remy Palanque.Amsterdam, 1968.
Thompson, E.A. ?Ammianus Marcellinus and Britain.? Nottingham MedievalStudies 34 (1990): 1-15.
Tomlin, Roger. ?The Date of the ?Barbarian Conspiracy.?? Britannia 5(1974): 303-9.
Van Dam, Raymond. Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul.Berkeley, 1985.
Warmington, B.H. ?The Career of Romanus, Comes Africae.? ByzantinischeZeitschrift 49 (1956): 55-64.
Notes
For a survey of the primary source for Valentinian I, see A.H.M.Jones, J.R. Martindale, and J. Morris, The Prospography of the LaterRoman Empire, Volume 1 A.D. 260-395 (Cambridge, 1971), s.v. ?FlaviusValentinianus 7 [hereafter cited as PLRE 1]; and Karl Mittelhaus andKonrat Ziegler, eds. Paulys Realencyclop?die der classischenAltertumswissenschaft, 2nd ed. Volume 14 (Munich, 1948), s.v.?Valentinianus 1,? by Assunta Nagl.
For the date see Ammianus Marcellinus, Rerum gestarum libri quisupersunt, 30.6.6, ed. W. Seyfarth, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1978); Socrates,Historia Ecclesiastica, 4.31, in Patrologia Graeca 67, ed. J.P. Migne(Paris 1864); and Sozomen, Historia Ecclesiastica, 6.31, in PatrologiaGraeca 67, ed. J.P. Migne (Paris 1864). For the place see Ammianus30.7.2; Zosimus, 3.36.2; Socrates 4.1; Jerome, Chronicon, Olympiad 285.4,ed. R. Helm in Malcolm Drew Donalson, A Translation of Jerome?s Chroniconwith Historical Commentary (Lewiston, NY, 1996), 112; and Epitome decaesaribus, 45.2, ed. F.R. Pichlmayr (Leipzig, 1961).
Ammianus 30.7.1-3.
Ibid., 16.11.6-7.
PLRE 1 s.v. ?Marina Severa 2;? ?Justina;? ?Justa 1;? and ?Galla 2.?
Ammianus 25.8.8-10.
Ibid., 25.10.6.
Ibid., 25.8.11-12.
Ibid., 25.10.6-9. Zosimus 3.35.1-2 relates basically the same story,but says that Valentinian?s party was sent to Pannonia in order to informthe army there of Julian?s death. The Batavi legion in Pannonia regardedJovian as a usurper and attacked the envoys. Valentinian only escapeddeath by running away.
Ammianus 25.10.13; Consularia Constantinopolitana, 364.2, T.Mommsen ed., in Monumenta Germaniae Historica Auctores Antiquissimi,Volume 9 (Berlin, 1892); and PLRE I, s.v. ?Fl. Jovianus 3.?
Ammianus 26.1.3-6.
Ibid., 26.1.7-14.
Ibid., 26.2.1.
Ibid., 26.2.2-11.
Ibid., 26.4.1-2.
Ibid., 24.6.3; 26.5.1.
Ibid., 26.5.2-3.
Ibid., 26.5.5; Zosimus 4.3.1; and Theoderet, HistoriaEcclesiastica, 5.5, in Patrologia Graeca 82, ed. J.P. Migne (Paris 1864).
Ammianus 26.5.4-5.
Ibid., 26.5.7.
Ibid., 26.5.8. Three laws actually put Valentinian in Paris betweenOct. 18 and Dec. 12. Codex Theodosianus, 8.1.11; 10.19.3; 11.1.13, T.Mommsen, P.M. Meyer, and P. Kr?ger, eds. Theodosiani libri XVI cumconstitutionibus sirmondianis et leges novellae ad Theodosianumpertinentes, 2 vols., (Berlin, 1905).
Ammianus 26.8-13.
J.W.E. Pearce, Roman Imperial Coinage: Vol. 9 Valentinian I toTheodosius I, eds. Harold Mattingly, C.H.V. Sutherland, and R.A.G. Carson(London, 1972), 13-21; 34-47; 54-67.
Ammianus 27.7.1-5; 27.2.1-11.
Ibid., 27.10.1-16.
Ibid., 28.2.1-9. For a discussion of the archaeological evidencewhich supports the literary accounts of Valentinian?s program see Jo?lleNapoli, ?Ultimes fortifications du limes,? in L?arm?e romaine et lesbarbares du IIIe au VIIe si?cle, eds. Fran?oise Vallet and MichelKazanski (Paris, 1993), 67-76; and J?rgen Oldenstein, ?La fortificationd?Alzey et la d?fense de la fronti?re romaine le long du Rhine au IVe etau Ve si?cles,? in ibid., 125-33.
Ammianus 28.5.1-7.
Ibid., 28.5.8-14.
Ibid., 29.4.1-7.
Ibid., 30.3.1-6.
Ibid., 27.8.1-5; 27.6.1-16. For the problems of chronology withthese events see Roger Tomlin, ?The Date of the ?Barbarian Conspiracy?,?Britannia 5 (1974): 304-5; and R.C. Blockley, ?The Date of the ?BarbarianConspiracy?,? Britannia 11 (1980): 223-4.
Ammianus, 27.8.3; 27.10.6.
Ibid., 27.8.6-10.
Ibid., 28.3.1-9; see J.G.F. Hind, ?The British ?Provinces? ofValentia and Orcades,? Historia 24 (1975): 101-11; and E.A. Thompson,?Ammianus Marcellinus and Britain,? Nottingham Medieval Studies 34(1990): 1-15.
Ammianus 28.3.9.
Ibid., 29.5.1-55; for details of the campaign see John F. Matthews,"Mauretania in Ammianus and the Notitia," in Aspects of the "NotitiaDignitatum", eds. R. Goodburn and P. Bartholomew (Oxford, 1976), 157-86.
Ammianus 29.6.1-16.
Ibid., 30.5.1-15.
Ibid., 30.6.1-6.
Ibid., 29.4.1; Zosimus 4.3.4-5; Thomas S. Burns, Barbarians withinthe Gates of Rome: A Study of Roman Military Policy and the Barbarians,ca. 375-425 A.D. (Bloomington, 1994): 1-42; Ernest Stein, Histoire dubas-empire, trans. Jean-Remy Palanque (Amsterdam, 1968), 181-3.
Burns, Barbarians within the Gates, 294, n.4.
John F. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court A.D.364-425 (Oxford, 1975), 30-55; idem, The Roman Empire of Ammianus(London, 1989), 284-6; A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman Empire 284-602: ASocial, Economic, and Administrative Survey, Volume 1 (Norman, 1964),138-54; and A.H.M. Jones, ?The Social Background of the Struggle betweenPaganism and Christianity,? in The Conflict Between Paganism andChristianity in the Fourth Century, ed. Arnaldo Momigliano (Oxford,1963), 17-37. For a contrary view see Andreas Alf?ldi, A Conflict ofIdeas in the Late Roman Empire: The Clash Between the Senate andValentinian I, trans. Harold Mattingly (Oxford, 1952).
Ammianus 30.9.5.
Sozomen 6.7.
CTh 16.5.3.
Ibid. 16.6.1.
Jerome, Chronicon, Olympiad 286.1, ed. R. Helm, in Malcolm DrewDonalson, A Translation of Jerome?s Chronicon with Historical Commentary(Lewiston, NY, 1996), 113.
Sozomen 6.6; Orosius, 7.32, states that Valentinian voluntarilywent into exile.
Socrates 4.30; Sozomen 6.24; and Theoderet 5.6.
CTh 16.1.1.
Ibid., 16.2.20.
Ibid., 16.2.18.
Ibid., 16.2.21.
Ibid., 11.1.13.
CIL, 6.1175; CTh 9.16.5.
Ammianus 28.1.10-12.
Ibid., 28.1.16; 28.1.29.
Ibid., 28.1.16; 28.1.26.
Ibid., 28.1.11; CTh 9.16.10.
Ibid., 6.37.1.
Ibid., 6.35.7.
Ibid., 6.7.1; 6.9.1; 6.11.1; 6.14.1; and 6.22.4.
Ibid., 11.1.15.
Ammianus 28.6.1-18.
CTh 11.1.16.
Ammianus 26.5.13.
Ibid., 29.5.10. For the social implications of Firmus? revolt seeB.H. Warmington, ?The Career of Romanus, Comes Africae,? ByzantinischeZeitschrift 49 (1956): 55-64; and John F. Matthews, ?Symmachus and themagister militum Theodosius,? Historia 20 (1971): 122-8.
Ammianus 30.5.5-10.
Ibid., 28.2.10.
Raymond Van Dam, Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul(Berkeley, 1985), 7-24.
Copyright (C) 1998, Walter E. Roberts. This file may be copied on thecondition that the entire contents, including the header and thiscopyright notice, remain intact.
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